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Since this is a study abroad trip, I am writing several papers for credit. The first project is based on a very interesting book Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds by Stephen Kinzer, the former Istanbul bureau chief for the New York Times, and consists of answers to four questions.
3. Chapter Five in Kinzer’s book is entitled “The Kurdish Puzzle.” Who are the Kurds and why do they represent a political, economic, and social “puzzle” for Turkey? What have been historically the fundamental Kurdish grievances? Are there any recent signs of progress on the Kurdish issue?
Kurds are indigenous non-Arab minority of Iranian ethnic origin of about 38 million people. Majority of them live in Kurdistan, a region that spans territory across Turkey, Syria, and Iraq. During centuries of conquests, Arabs defeated the Kurds; most of them converted to Islam. The Ayyubids were the most influential Kurdish dynasty; their empire eventually fell under the Ottoman rule. Kurdish uprising in 1880 is considered to be the first modern conflict between Ottomans and Kurds. The Kurdish population was integrated but never assimilated; periodic revolts took on increasingly nationalistic demands.
The Atatürk Kemalist movement encouraged everything that the Kurds opposed—secularism, hypernationalistic Turkish identity, and centralization of power. Kurdish society was strongly Muslim, heavily tribal and clan, with local authority, as well as cognizant of its own ethnocultural identity. The clash was inevitable. Turkey suppressed numerous Kurdish revolts and engaged in ethnic cleansing and forced relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurds, most of whom perished in exile.
The relatively democratic period in 1950s under the rule of Prime Minister Menderes opened up opportunities for Kurdish assimilation and political representation. Sadly, this promising era of reconciliation abruptly ended with the military coup in 1960.
The next decade introduced Marxism and social conflict ideology that merged with Kurdish nationalism into a radical movement, which would eventually spawn the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
Modern period of armed conflict between the Republic of Turkey and Kurdish nationalists starts with the rise of Abdullah Öcalan. He is one of the founders of PKK, a militant organization engaged in armed fight for independence. The PKK targeted not only military but civilian populations, leading to its global designation as a terrorist organization. Öcalan was captured in 1999 and sentenced to death for his role in the armed conflict. Turkey has since abolished death penalty, one of the conditions of European Union membership, and his sentenced has been commuted to life imprisonment. After his capture, Öcalan has pleaded cooperation in ending the armed conflict and seeking political solution to the Kurdish problem.
The current Turkish government is making strong overtures to its Kurdish population, in order to advance several of its strategic goals. The festering insurgency creates friction for the Turks, regionally and internationally as well. Since it is led by the relatively pro-democratic Islamic AKP party, the extreme Kemalist emphasis on the Turkish identity has been replaced by greater tolerance. The social glue of national identity is being replaced by newly emerging Islamic identity and shared success of Turkey’s massive economic growth and prosperity. This provides room for growing tolerance for minorities and political solution to the Kurdish independence struggle.
The most recent reconciliation attempt works on several fronts. Öcalan has promised cooperation in working toward peaceful solution, the government is showing genuine moderation, and the Kurds seem to be willing to give armed conflict as well. The negotiated cease-fire includes relocation of PKK to the Iraqi Kurdish safe zone, among other conditions. Turkey has attempted to encourage Iraqi Kurds to moderate militancy of PKK, and supports oil and economic cooperation with Iraqi Kurdish leadership. Shift to political and peaceful resolution would provide multilateral regional benefits. According to the latest news, first group of Turkish Kurds has arrived in northern Iraq, under the terms of the negotiated cease-fire.
Hopefully this process will succeed and the Kurdish Puzzle of a unique ethnic group living in a semi-autonomous area within Turkey and fighting for recognition and independence will be solved. In addition, a successful shift from violence to negotiated settlement can perhaps offer a model for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and increase Turkey’s regional standing.
3. Chapter Five in Kinzer’s book is entitled “The Kurdish Puzzle.” Who are the Kurds and why do they represent a political, economic, and social “puzzle” for Turkey? What have been historically the fundamental Kurdish grievances? Are there any recent signs of progress on the Kurdish issue?
Kurds are indigenous non-Arab minority of Iranian ethnic origin of about 38 million people. Majority of them live in Kurdistan, a region that spans territory across Turkey, Syria, and Iraq. During centuries of conquests, Arabs defeated the Kurds; most of them converted to Islam. The Ayyubids were the most influential Kurdish dynasty; their empire eventually fell under the Ottoman rule. Kurdish uprising in 1880 is considered to be the first modern conflict between Ottomans and Kurds. The Kurdish population was integrated but never assimilated; periodic revolts took on increasingly nationalistic demands.
The Atatürk Kemalist movement encouraged everything that the Kurds opposed—secularism, hypernationalistic Turkish identity, and centralization of power. Kurdish society was strongly Muslim, heavily tribal and clan, with local authority, as well as cognizant of its own ethnocultural identity. The clash was inevitable. Turkey suppressed numerous Kurdish revolts and engaged in ethnic cleansing and forced relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurds, most of whom perished in exile.
The relatively democratic period in 1950s under the rule of Prime Minister Menderes opened up opportunities for Kurdish assimilation and political representation. Sadly, this promising era of reconciliation abruptly ended with the military coup in 1960.
The next decade introduced Marxism and social conflict ideology that merged with Kurdish nationalism into a radical movement, which would eventually spawn the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
Modern period of armed conflict between the Republic of Turkey and Kurdish nationalists starts with the rise of Abdullah Öcalan. He is one of the founders of PKK, a militant organization engaged in armed fight for independence. The PKK targeted not only military but civilian populations, leading to its global designation as a terrorist organization. Öcalan was captured in 1999 and sentenced to death for his role in the armed conflict. Turkey has since abolished death penalty, one of the conditions of European Union membership, and his sentenced has been commuted to life imprisonment. After his capture, Öcalan has pleaded cooperation in ending the armed conflict and seeking political solution to the Kurdish problem.
The current Turkish government is making strong overtures to its Kurdish population, in order to advance several of its strategic goals. The festering insurgency creates friction for the Turks, regionally and internationally as well. Since it is led by the relatively pro-democratic Islamic AKP party, the extreme Kemalist emphasis on the Turkish identity has been replaced by greater tolerance. The social glue of national identity is being replaced by newly emerging Islamic identity and shared success of Turkey’s massive economic growth and prosperity. This provides room for growing tolerance for minorities and political solution to the Kurdish independence struggle.
The most recent reconciliation attempt works on several fronts. Öcalan has promised cooperation in working toward peaceful solution, the government is showing genuine moderation, and the Kurds seem to be willing to give armed conflict as well. The negotiated cease-fire includes relocation of PKK to the Iraqi Kurdish safe zone, among other conditions. Turkey has attempted to encourage Iraqi Kurds to moderate militancy of PKK, and supports oil and economic cooperation with Iraqi Kurdish leadership. Shift to political and peaceful resolution would provide multilateral regional benefits. According to the latest news, first group of Turkish Kurds has arrived in northern Iraq, under the terms of the negotiated cease-fire.
Hopefully this process will succeed and the Kurdish Puzzle of a unique ethnic group living in a semi-autonomous area within Turkey and fighting for recognition and independence will be solved. In addition, a successful shift from violence to negotiated settlement can perhaps offer a model for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and increase Turkey’s regional standing.
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